At the White House briefing, Ziegler apologizes to the Post and Woodward and Bernstein. “When we are wrong, we are wrong…but…” A reporter cuts him off saying, “Now don’t take it back, Ron”. Woodward calls Ziegler and thanks him.

Nixon vacations in Key Biscayne to rest following the last few hectic days. Haldeman recommends Alexander Haig succeed him as Nixon’s Chief of Staff.

Haldeman and Ehrlichman appear before the Senate and claim they were never involved in any Watergate related activities or discussions. Both put the blame on Dean.

Newsweek reports that Dean will testify of two situations leading him to believe Nixon was aware of the cover up. The first in September when the President thanked Dean for doing such a great job. The second in December when Ehrlichman told Dean the President had approved executive clemency for Hunt.

During his first week on the job, Buzhardt comes across a summary from June 23, 1972 where Haldeman says it’s the President’s wish that the FBI stop their investigation since the five burglars have been arrested. Nixon tells Buzhardt it was all national security related, but Buzhardt is skeptical.

Mitchell and Stans are indicted in the Vesco campaign donation case.

Acting FBI Director William Ruckelshaus announces that logs for wiretaps searching for news leaks had been located in John Ehrlichman’s White House office safe. An FBI source tells Woodward some of the taps were authorized by Henry Kissinger.

Mark Felt submits his resignation from the FBI.

Felt/Deep Throat tells Woodward their lives are in danger and they need to be on the lookout for electronic surveillance by the CIA. Senator Baker, a member of the Watergate committee, is reporting back to the White House. The President threatened Dean that any revelations would land him in jail. Mitchell was involved in intelligence gathering early on and then expanded it to many others. Caulfield told McCord he’d only have to spend 11 months in jail and then would receive clemency and threatened his life if he didn’t cooperate. The Watergate cover up was less about Watergate and more about protecting the overall covert operation. Hunt blackmailed the President for money with everyone involved pitching in. Dean has documents that will reveal many details.

The Post publishes a round up of numerous activities stemming back several years including Senator Eagleton’s health records arriving in Ehrlichman’s office before they were leaked and Haldeman ordering an FBI investigation of Daniel Schorr of CBS.

A Dean associate confirms most of what Deep Throat had told Woodward. He also says Dean told Nixon it would take $1 million to deal with Hunt’s blackmail, and the President said that wouldn’t be a problem.

McCord takes the stand and repeats the claims he made to Sirica months earlier that he’d been offered clemency in exchange for keeping quiet. He also recounts his meetings with Caulfield. When asked why it took so long for him to come forward, he says “Because it involved directly the President.” Caulfield and Ulasewicz later confirm McCord’s account. Caulfield says he believes any messages he carried came from the top. Ulasewicz admits to obstructing justice. Senators Baker and Gurney both try to discredit McCord’s testimony as heresy and Caulfield as doing the work when he didn’t even work at the White House while this was going on.

Mitchell and Stans plead not guilty to the Vesco case charges.

After several drafts from Garment, Buzhardt, Haig, and Pat Buchanan, the White House releases a lengthy statement through Garment where the President claims he did not take part or have any knowledge of the cover up, did not offer clemency or hush money, did not attempt to implicate the CIA, was not aware of the break in at Ellsberg’s psychiatrist, and did not encourage illegal campaign activities (although he does admit knowledge of the existence of The Plumbers). He reverses his position from the previous month now saying he would not invoke executive privilege for any criminal activity committed by members of the administration. Garment is berated by reporters who ask questions he refuses answer.

Nixon asks Haig and later his family if he should resign. His daughters immediately reject the idea.

The New York Times reports Magruder cut a deal to plead guilty and cooperate.

Archibald Cox assembles his team and they begin meeting with various people to get up to speed. When meeting with Henry Peterson, the assistant attorney general, Peterson says the President told him he could hear a tape of what Dean actually told him. Cox is surprised by this seemingly out of the blue revelation.

The lead story in the Post and New York Times claims Dean will testify that Nixon was deeply involved in the cover up and was aware that the cost to buy the burglary defendants silences could reach $1 million and that Nixon wasn’t not concerned about paying that.

Nixon summons Buzhardt and goes over his notes of the tapes. Privately, Buzhardt is not as confident as others that Dean can’t make a solid case against the President.

After a two week break, the hearings resume and Hugh Sloan testifies that he was asked to cover up cash payments he’d made in relation to the break in including payments to the President’s lawyer and Haldeman aide Gordon Strachan. He says he was told he was pressured to commit perjury or take the Fifth Amendment.

The New York Times John Crewdson, having obtained a copy of the Huston plan from Tom Huston himself, writes a story detailing the early workings of the plan and how it ties to Nixon’s statement on May 22.

The report of the Colson/Brookings Institute plot appears in the Post.

During his testimony, Stans confirms Sloan’s account but claims he had no prior knowledge of the break-in.

Agnew tells Nixon he’s likely going to be indicted over the bribery charges.

After looking into reports of Colson sending Hunt to the apartment of Arthur Bremer immediately following Bremer’s assassination attempt on Presidential candidate George Wallace, Woodward meets with members of Colson’s law office. The reports said Hunt was looking for anything to tie Bremer to left wing groups. Colson arrives and they all protest any link to Bremer and Hunt. They offer memos concerning the Canuck Letter, but Woodward says he isn’t interested in a trade.

John Dean appears before the Senate Watergate Committee and details the “cancer on the Presidency” conversation he had with Nixon in March. He also details the inner workings of the Watergate coverup, dirty tricks, wiretapping, secret cash funds, and the Plumbers. He admits to blocking the Patman investigation. He recalls the September 15, 1972 meeting with President when he was credited for doing a good job managing the cover up saying he felt the President was well informed on all his activities prior to that meeting. Many of the details were already in the public record from Nixon’s statement on May 22.

Dean testifies about the existence of Nixon’s political enemies list. The goal of this list is find ways to make the lives of Nixon’s enemies more difficult.

Senator Howard Baker says the Dean’s testimony has been “mind boggling.” He then says, “The central question at this point is simply put. What the did the President know, and when did he know it?” Through his questioning, he hopes to paint Dean’s testimony as heresy. Dean presents a memo he himself had prepared for a meeting between Baker and Nixon regarding the Senate hearings which causes Baker to back down.